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Reffo
01-11-2009, 10:19 PM
Here for a change is a more reasoned article, in the Economist about "The Disproportianate Response":

Gaza: the rights and wrongs (http://www.economist.com/opinion/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12853965)

Nevertheless, I for one disagree with most of their logic, here is why:

Since Israel evacuated its soldiers and settlers from the Gaza Strip three years ago, Palestinian groups in Gaza have fired thousands of rudimentary rockets and mortar bombs across the border, killing very few people but disrupting normal life in a swathe of southern Israel. They fired almost 300 between December 19th, when Hamas ignored Egypt’s entreaties and decided not to renew a six-month truce, and December 27th, when Israel started its bombing campaign (see article). To that extent, Israel is right to say it was provoked.I certainly don't disagree with this..

Of provocation and proportion
It is easy to point out from afar that barely a dozen Israelis had been killed by Palestinian rockets since the Gaza withdrawal. But few governments facing an election, as Israel’s is, would let their towns be peppered every day with rockets, no matter how ineffective. As Barack Obama said on a visit to one Israeli town in July, “If somebody was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop that. And I would expect Israelis to do the same thing.” In recent months, moreover, Hamas has smuggled far more lethal rockets into its Gaza enclave, some of which are now landing in Israeli cities that were previously out of range. On its border with Lebanon, Israel already faces one radical non-state actor, Hizbullah, that is formally dedicated to Israel’s destruction and has a powerful arsenal of Iranian-supplied missiles at its disposal. The Israelis are understandably reluctant to let a similar danger grow in Gaza. Nor do I disagree with this..

And yet Israel should not be surprised by the torrent of indignation it has aroused from around the world. This is not just because people seldom back the side with the F-16s. In general, a war must pass three tests to be justified. A country must first have exhausted all other means of defending itself. The attack should be proportionate to the objective. And it must stand a reasonable chance of achieving its goal. On all three of these tests Israel is on shakier ground than it cares to admit.Here is where our disagreement begins (although, on an emotive level they do have a point about people not tending to side with the side which has the F-16s, especially if that side represents someone else other than their own countries. But that of course is not logic, it's just pure emotions..).

It is true that Israel has put up with the rockets from Gaza for a long time. But it may have been able to stop the rockets another way. For it is not quite true that Israel’s only demand in respect of Gaza has been for quiet along the border. Israel has also been trying to undermine Hamas by clamping an economic blockade on Gaza, while boosting the economy of the West Bank, where the Palestinians’ more pliant secular movement, Fatah, holds sway. Even during the now-lapsed truce, Israel prevented all but a trickle of humanitarian aid from entering the strip. So although Israel was provoked, Hamas can claim that it was provoked too. If Israel had ended the blockade, Hamas may have renewed the truce. Indeed, on one reading of its motives, Hamas resumed fire to force Israel into a new truce on terms that would include opening the border.By that logic, Iran has the right to lob missiles at Europe and the USA. After all, Iran to has had to face an economic blocade from the West (for how many years now?).

Moreover, Israel was not alone in boycotting Hamas which has been declared a terrorist organisation and rightly so, if one remembers their spree of suicide bombings, the kidnapping of Gilad Shalit, their rocket attacks and their avowed aim to destroy Israel which is a full fledged and rcognised member state of the UN.

On proportionality, the numbers speak for themselves—up to a point. After the first three days, some 350 Palestinians had been killed and only four Israelis. Neither common sense nor the laws of war require Israel to deviate from the usual rule, which is to kill as many enemies as you can and avoid casualties on your own side.I didn't know about that rule! I thought the rule was to do as much as necessary to achieve the aim of stopping the enemy. And as even "The Economist" admits, Israel tried the more peaceful ways.

Three years ago it withdrew unilaterally from Gaza
It tried a cease fire
It tried more restricted retaliations

Nothing worked! This attempt may not work either but it was quite appropriate to try it!

Hamas was foolish to pick this uneven fight. But of the Palestinian dead, several score were civilians, and many others were policemen rather than combatants. Although both Western armies and their foes have killed far more civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq, Israel’s interest should be to minimise the killing. The Palestinians it is bombing today will be its neighbours for ever.It's good to see "The Economist" admitting that western forces too could not avoid killing civilians. However, their point about NOT killing Hamas police is entirely invalid. After all, they are clearly part of Hamas and more than likely in a combat situation they too would shoot at Israeli soldiers.

This last point speaks to the test of effectiveness. Israel said at first that, much as it would like to topple Hamas, its present operation has the more limited aim of “changing reality” so that Hamas stops firing across the border. But as Israel learnt in Lebanon in 2006, this is far from easy. As with Hizbullah, Hamas’s “resistance” to Israel has made it popular and delivered it to power. It is most unlikely to bend the knee. Like Hizbullah, it will probably prefer to keep on firing no matter how hard it is hit, daring Israel to send its ground forces into a messy street fight in Gaza’s congested cities and refugee camps.As I said, the operation may or may not end up being effective (in terms of stopping the Qassams), no one really knows. But something new MUST be tried, because clearly everything else has failed..

Any differing opinions, comments, thoughts ..... ?

Mediocrates
01-12-2009, 06:15 AM
HALIFAX – Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff says Israel is justified in taking military action to defend itself against attacks by Hamas from the Gaza Strip.

"Canada has to support the right of a democratic country to defend itself," he told reporters in Halifax today after speaking to a forum of business leaders on the economy.

"Israel has been attacked from Gaza, not just last year, but for almost 10 years. They evacuated from Gaza so there is no occupation in Gaza."
Earlier this week, Canada condemned Palestinian fighters for endangering the lives of civilians in the Gaza Strip.

Peter Kent, the newly minted minister of state for Foreign Affairs, blamed the Palestinians' duly elected government in Gaza for compromising the safety and welfare of its own civilians.

"The position of the government of Canada is that Hamas bears the burden of responsibility for the deepening humanitarian tragedy," Kent said.

"Until they commit to a permanent ceasefire – a truly permanent ceasefire, a durable ceasefire – and don't use it as a break to re-arm and resume rocketing, the fighting will go on."

Ignatieff also said Hamas shoulders the blame. "Hamas is a terrorist organization and Canada can't touch Hamas with a 10-foot pole," he said. "Hamas is to blame for organizing and instigating these rocket attacks and then for sheltering among civilian populations."

Ignatieff said Canada must do whatever it can to get humanitarian and medical relief into Gaza when there is a ceasefire, but rocket attacks on Israel by Hamas must stop first.

Canada should also continue to work towards a lasting solution to the conflict, he said.

"Ultimately this thing has to end with an Israel that is recognized, is safe and secure . . . and living side-by-side in peace with a Palestinian state," Ignatieff said.


http://www.thestar.com/News/Canada/article/564094

Mediocrates
01-12-2009, 06:18 AM
Let's talk about proportionality--or, more important, about its negative form. "Disproportionate" is the favorite critical term in current discussions of the morality of war. But most of the people who use it don't know what it means in international law or in just war theory. Curiously, they don't realize that it has been used far more often to justify than to criticize what we might think of as excessive violence. It is a dangerous idea.

Proportionality doesn't mean "tit for tat," as in the family feud. The Hatfields kill three McCoys, so the McCoys must kill three Hatfields. More than three, and they are breaking the rules of the feud, where proportionality means symmetry. The use of the term is different with regard to war, because war isn't an act of retribution; it isn't a backward-looking activity, and the law of even-Steven doesn't apply.

Like it or not, war is always purposive in character; it has a goal, an end-in-view. The end is often misconceived, but not always: to defeat the Nazis, to stop the dominos from falling, to rescue Kuwait, to destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. Proportionality implies a measure, and the measure here is the value of the end-in-view. How many civilian deaths are "not disproportionate to" the value of defeating the Nazis? Answer that question, put that way, and you are likely to justify too much--and that is the way proportionality arguments have worked over most of their history.


The case is the same with arguments focused on particular acts of war.

Consider the example of an American air raid on a German tank factory in World War Two that kills a number of civilians living nearby. The justification goes like this: The number of civilians killed is "not disproportionate to" the damage those tanks would do in days and months to come if they continued to roll off the assembly line. That is a good argument, and it does indeed justify some number of the unintended civilian deaths. But what number? How do you set an upper limit, given that there could be many tanks and much damage?

Because proportionality arguments are forward-looking, and because we don't have positive, but only speculative, knowledge about the future, we need to be very cautious in using this justification. The commentators and critics using it today, however, are not being cautious at all; they are not making any kind of measured judgment, not even a speculative kind.

"Disproportionate" violence for them is simply violence they don't like, or it is violence committed by people they don't like.

So Israel's Gaza war was called "disproportionate" on day one, before anyone knew very much about how many people had been killed or who they were. The standard proportionality argument, looking ahead as these arguments rightly do, would come from the other side. Before the six months of cease-fire (when the fire never ceased), Hamas had only primitive and home-made rockets that could hit nearby small towns in Israel. By the end of the six months, they had far more advanced rockets, no longer home-made, that can hit cities 30 or 40 kilometers away.

Another six months of the same kind of cease-fire, which is what many nations at the UN demanded, and Hamas would have rockets capable of hitting Tel Aviv. And this is an organization explicitly committed to the destruction of Israel. How many civilian casualties are "not disproportionate to" the value of avoiding the rocketing of Tel Aviv? How many civilian casualties would America's leaders think were "not disproportionate to" the value of avoiding the rocketing of New York?

The answer, again, is too many. We have to make proportionality calculations, but those calculations won't provide the most important moral limits on warfare.

These are the questions that point us toward the important limits. First, before the war begins: Are there other ways of achieving the end-in-view? In the Israeli case, this question has shaped the intense political arguments that have been going on since the withdrawal from Gaza: What is the right way to stop the rocket attacks? How do you guarantee that Hamas won't acquire more and more advanced rocketry? Many policies have been advocated, and many have been tried.

Second, once the fighting begins, who is responsible for putting civilians in the line of fire? It is worth recalling that in the Lebanon war of 2006, Kofi Annan, then the Secretary-General of the UN, though he criticized Israel for a "disproportionate" response to Hezbollah's raid, also criticized Hezbollah--not just for firing rockets at civilians, but also for firing them from heavily populated civilian areas, so that any response would inevitably kill or injure civilians. I don't think that the new Secretary General has made the same criticism of Hamas, but Hamas clearly has a similar policy.

The third question: Is the attacking army acting in concrete ways to minimize the risks they impose on civilians? Are they taking risks themselves for that purpose? Armies choose tactics that are more or less protective of the civilian population, and we judge them by their choices. I haven't heard this question asked about the Gaza war by commentators and critics in the Western media; it is a hard question, since any answer would have to take into account the tactical choices of Hamas.

In fact, all three are hard questions, but they are the ones that have to be asked and answered if we are to make serious moral judgments about Gaza--or any other war. The question "Is it disproportionate?" isn't hard at all for people eager to say yes, but asked honestly, the answer will often be no, and that answer may justify more than we ought to justify. Asking the hard questions and worrying about the right answers--these are the moral obligations of commentators and critics, who are supposed to enlighten us about the moral obligations of soldiers. There hasn't been much enlightenment these last days.

Michael Walzer is a contributing editor at The New Republic. This piece also appears on the website for Dissent Magazine (http://www.dissentmagazine.org/).

http://www.tnr.com/politics/story.html?id=d6473c26-2ae3-4bf6-9673-ef043cae914f

pizza4theidf
01-12-2009, 06:18 AM
Nice to see that at least, some sections of the left see sense :cool:

Reffo
01-12-2009, 02:43 PM
I just heard the latest catchcry being repeated on a BBC interview (Hardtalk) with Saab-Erekat, he was criticising Israel's Gaza operation, he said:
"Violence Begets Violence"
Naturally enough he forgot to mention Hamas's violence was what begot Israel's violent response!

pizza4theidf
01-13-2009, 04:46 AM
Yes let's bomb thousands of civilians because of a few rockets that are so hopeless they have to be held together with sellotape.

At least Israel looks strong though :D Not like anyone's gonna mess with it after this.

Except, possibly, a war crimes tribunal.

bararallu
01-13-2009, 07:18 AM
Except, possibly, a war crimes tribunal.

You mean the tribunal that Danny Perl, Leon Klinghoffer, and the Mumbai Rabbi and his Wife got or the other tribunal (http://daledamos.blogspot.com/2006/08/123-israeli-children-killed-by.html)? Thanks we'll pass on that.

Reffo
01-13-2009, 02:25 PM
Yes let's bomb thousands of civilians because of a few rockets that are so hopeless they have to be held together with sellotape.

At least Israel looks strong though :D Not like anyone's gonna mess with it after this.Hey pizza, why don't you suggest to the UN to establish a bureau of proportionality. This is how it could work:

Anyone or any group as long, as they are Arab, could register a formal complaint with the bureau by lobbing "a few" rockets, say several thousand a year, on their neighbours.
The function of the bureau would be to rigorously monitor the number of deaths, injuries and cases of trauma so that ...
If the neighbour chooses to respond in kind (with "a few" rockets), the bureau would quickly step in and admonish them if they exceed their allowed quota of killing, maiming, injuries and mental trauma.
But as long as the proportions would be maintained, the tit for tat "party" could continue for centuries ..

I think it would be a neat solution, it would be cricket :D, don't you think pizza4theidf? Just think of the extra jobs which would be created for additional UN bureaucrats? On second thoughts maybe not that many, after all, the UN is already doing this job when it comes to Israel. And as far as anyone else, who cares! Right pizza4theidf?

Except, possibly, a war crimes tribunal.Might I humbly suggest, for the sake of proportianality and equal opportunity, that all players in all wars, not just Israelis, should be considered as candidates?

Reffo
03-14-2009, 01:03 AM
Since you didn't you answer my question, I take it that you agree that a few dead Jews and a few more injured Jews, and nearly a million Israeli men, women and children traumatized, every year for 8 years is not enough reason to be upset about and to protest for ... right Takeo?

And you didn't answer these questions either Takeo! Why?
There's no need for such a bureau, since there are international laws.
(Stanimir A. Alexandrov; Self-defense against the use of force in international law)Post #742 Turkish PM slams Jews, Israel

"Stanimir A. Alexandrov; Self-defense against the use of force in international law"? OK Let's see what it says about situations like Gaza and what constitutes 'PROPORTIONALITY':
Article 51 preserves a state’s right to use force in self-defence ‘if an armed attack occurs’. A literal reading constrains self-defence to actions responding to an attack that has already occurred or commenced. Anticipatory self-defence, understood as a necessary and proportionate use of force to forestall imminent attack,Now let's see:

Did an attack on Israel occur from Gaza? .... ANSWER: Of course it did!
Were attacks continuing to occur from Gaza? .... ANSWER: Of course they did, for 8 years (at least)!
Did Israel try less drastic methods than op Cast led, to try and stop the attacks from Gaza? .... ANSWER: Of course it did!
Were those less drastic counter measures successful in stopping the attacks from Gaza? .... ANSWER: Of course NOT!
Were Hamas's attacks on Israel likely to continue in the future? .... ANSWER: Of course they would!
How do we know? ..... ANSWER: Because Hamas's charter clearly states that their aim is the destruction of Israel

And how do we know that Operation Cast Led WAS not disproportional? Because certainly, lesser responses were not effective and one could argue that even Operation Cast Led was not effective. Yet Hamas's threat, against Israeli civilians remains. In fact, a FORMAL STATE of war exists and continues to exist between Hamas and Israel (because Hamas wants it to be so). So, in fact it could be argued that Israel could justify even a harsher response in the future .... given that it's response to date has not caused sufficient deterrence!